A.   Highlights what is lost when we ignore black women victims of police violence

B.   Argues that there are distinctly gendered ways that police violence is applied to Black people

C.   Documents and analyzes black women’s experiences of police violence

D.   All of these

A.   Women are at the forefront of putting their bodies on the line in the movement

B.   Young queer women are central in the organizing and strategizing of the organization

C.   All of these

D.   It was founded by Black women

A.   That Black women are targeted in similar way to Black men. That Black women are targeted at the similar rates as Black men

B.   That there was national data on police killing but that it was mostly ignored

C.   None of these

D.   They Black women are mostly sexually harassed while Black men are mostly killed

E.   That Black women are targeted in similar way to Black men. That there was national data on police killing but that it was mostly ignored

A.   That the kind of violence Black women suffer at the hands of police also happens to them in other sites like the streets and detention centers

B.   All of these

C.   Black women have been targets of police violence historically, especially in their role as civil rights activists as was the case with Fannie Lou Hamer

D.   Like violence against women at large, police violence against Black women usually takes place inside their homes and in private spaces where people cannot see them or galvanize around them

A.   None of these

B.   Black male run efforts at ending police violence have increasingly learned to prioritize black women and girls in their problem solving efforts

C.   An entire industry has emerged aimed at saving, rehabilitating and disciplining men of color and has attracted stated funding and enriched some leaders of color and their organizations

D.   The work around police violence has focused on marketing Black women’s death

A.   All of these

B.   It critiques structural inequality

C.   It interrogates state power

D.   It refuses the framing of black lives to mean men’s lives or cis gender lives or respectable lives

A.   None of these

B.   Police don’t come to the aid of black female victims of domestic violence unless they are young couples fighting

C.   Given the violence of law enforcement and the reality of mass incarceration, there is a tension in addressing domestic violence against Black women

D.   Domestic violence is not the leading cause of death of Black women so it is usually not well understood as a problem

A.   BLM has made gendered police violence against cisgender and trans women, and the criminalization of poor black women and how that affects their families and communities key issues

B.   All of these

C.   The movement is open to other movements like the battles against mass incarceration and mass deportation in order to advance a deeper understand of issues that resonate across different communities.

D.   Organizers consciously resist the mistakes of previous movements, especially the classism and sexism that all too often shaped the direction of older civil rights and feminist struggles.

A.   Its three founders make all the key decision for BLM

B.   actively relies on community strength rather than dependence on a single establishment voice

C.   it is a movement mostly led by young people who have called out older establishment civil rights organizations for their organizing tactics

D.   Activists do not manage or engage in slick manipulation of the image of the movement

A.   All of these

B.   Leaderless is often a label BLM encounters from that older civil rights organizations because BLM activists includes black women and queer people, groups who have been made invisible by the older organizations

C.   Leaderless organizations can’t do the work of that an organization like BLM carries out

D.   The labeling of BLM as leaderless overlooks how women are deliberately leading without suggesting they are the only leaders or that there is one way to lead